Ethnography and the City by Ocejo Richard E

Author:Ocejo, Richard E.
Language: eng
Format: epub, pdf
Publisher: Taylor & Francis (CAM)

NOTES

1. Mezz Mezzrow and Bernard Wolfe, Really the Blues (New York: Random House, 1946); and DeVeaux, The Birth of Bebop, 202–35.

2. DeVeaux, The Birth of Bebop, 277–84. Of course, more clandestine jam sessions continued to attract jazz and blues players throughout the bebop era; see ibid., 202–35.

3. ln September 1998 Adam’s band invited me to rehearse and perform with them during their second set at a gig held at U.S. Beer Co., a local blues and rock bar. My own relationship with the band began with a series of unplanned encounters at B.L.U.E.S. Etcetera, particularly during its weekly jam session.

4. On the art of “becoming” an occupational self, see Donileen R. Loseke and Spencer E. Cahill, “Actors in Search of a Character: Student Social Workers’ Quest for Professional Identity,” Symbolic Interaction 9, no. 2 (1986): 245–58.

5. On the professionalization of occupational roles, see Andrew Abbott, The System of Professions: An Essay on the Division of Expert Labor (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1988).

6. On the use of argot and fashion as countercultural style, see Stuart Hall and Tony Jefferson, Resistance through Rituals: Youth Subcultures in Post-War Britain (London: Routledge, 1976); Paul Willis, Learning to Labor (New York: Columbia University Press, 1977), and Common Culture; Hebdige, Subculture; Grazian, “Uniform of the Party"; Thornton, Club Cultures; and Malbon, Clubbing.

7. While I could not ascertain whether or not Sunnyland Slim and Donny were actually cousins, a number of ethnographic accounts suggest that fictive kinship relations are regularly manufactured among friends and colleagues within the context of black neighborhood life. Thus, Donny’s use of the term cousin to describe his relationship to Sunnyland Slim may, in fact, refer to an invented (but not necessarily less meaningful) relationship; on this practice of “going for cousins,” see Elliot Liebow, Tally’s Corner: A Study of Negro Streetcorner Men (Boston: Little, Brown, 1967), 170–73; and Anderson, A Place on the Corner, 17–23.

8. Jeffrey’s strategy of constructing identity through boundary work resembles the tactics utilized by the jazz performers in Becker, Outsiders; however, although Becker’s informants constantly forge distinctions between themselves and their audiences, they rarely extend that hostility to their discussions of fellow musicians.

9. Other urban subcultures acculturate new members in a similar manner; for example, see ibid., 41–58, on socialization within drug subcultures.

10. In Chicago, clubs organize their jam sessions differently according to their own particular rules and norms governing the centrality of the evening’s house band, the professional status of the musicians permitted to perform, the scheduling of artists, and so forth. For example, the organizers of B.L.U.E.S. Etcetera’s jam session gather random groups of musicians who take to the stage to perform impromptu songs together, while the Green Room at Macaw’s, Winner’s, and other venues invite players to join the house band one at a time to join in on a song from a predetermined set list. In the first instance, participants maintain a great deal of autonomy over their performances, while the latter jams really just allow participants the chance to perform alongside the club’s hired band.

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